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Nicolaidis YoungWings StiftungDie Nicolaidis YoungWings Stiftung ist die bundesweite Anlaufstelle für trauernde Kinder, Jugendliche und Erwachsene bis zum Alter von 49 Jahren. Die Nicolaidis YoungWings Stiftung, aus eigener Betroffenheit gegründet, ist die bundesweite Anlaufstelle für trauernde Kinder, Jugendliche und. Nicolaidis YoungWings Stiftung, München. Gefällt Mal · 50 Personen sprechen darüber. Die Nicolaidis YoungWings Stiftung ist die bundesweite.
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Toggle navigation. Neu hier? Wir wünschen dir einen guten Austausch. We start by developing an analytical heuristic that builds on three semantic meanings of the term model and outline the challenges of interpretation and translation that are associ- ated with each.
We then discuss these challenges along the Hegelian three-step of the model idea thesis , its postcolonial antithesis and our constructive critique that seeks to steer a middle ground.
We advocate greater reflexivity on the part of Europeans, that is, to systematically question assumptions behind their discourse and practice.
The paper critically appraises the idea, both descriptively and normatively, that the Euro- pean Union EU system can and should serve as a model for governance beyond its own borders.
First, analytically, that contrary to the prevailing view, the EU's constitutional settlement is holding, although it has come under assault from federalists and sovereignists alike.
The bicycle theory nevertheless continues to hold sway perhaps because paradigm shifts always exhibit significant lags. On the contrary, and especially in the context of the eurozone crisis, we must reflect on the social foundations of the European project, of which intermittent democratic discontent is only one expression.
The argument unfolds through four European cities, each regarding a different moment in the Constitutional saga of the last two decades, to conclude on the relationship between LI and demoicratic theory, as well as the promise of sustainable integration.
This article reflects on the diagnosis proposed in by Moravcsik and Nicolaidis that the EU had reached an incipient constitutional settlement and makes two connected arguments.
It argues that the dispute needs to be addressed under the principles of freedom, responsibility and mutual recognition.
In this spirit, the two sides need to distinguish between issues where they can agree to disagree and those where they need to agree; they need to agree to the goal for their negotiations; and they need to agree on a breakthrough and a roadmap.
Name options are mapped out through three levels of specificity, where the authors indicate what they believe to be the pros and cons of each option.
This article argues that the current window of opportunity must be seized and provides a roadmap to resolving the Macedonian Name Dispute. We distinguish between boundary-making defining or redefining the territorial borders of a polity , boundary-crossing determining the rules of access to territorial borders and boundary-unbundling allowing boundary-making and boundary-crossing to vary between policies and polities , noting each of these categories possesses internal and external dimensions.
Cosmopolitans and statists offer contrasting normative evaluations of these processes, favouring weakening and maintaining or strengthening state boundaries respectively.
We endorse a demoicratic approach lying between these two as better reflecting how individuals relate to each other and to the EU, a view shared by some but not all contributors to this volume.
We conclude by situating the contributions within our topological framework, highlighting how they illustrate the contemporary questioning of European boundaries.
This introduction provides a descriptive typology and normative analysis of the ways boundaries are being questioned in Europe. While familiar to legal scholars as a norm governing the integration of markets and the management of conflicts of law, the essay seeks to show how this principle bears on our current European predicament as a philoso- phical concept and a form of governance between states before dwelling on the intricacies of mutual recognition in the EU single market.
Because recog- nition is sought, obtained or denied in all social spheres, every discipline has its own complex variation on this simple theme requiring to connect legal theory with anthropology, philosophy, history, sociology and international relations.
This contribution argues that the European crisis in general and Brexit in particular, can be seen to reflect the partial loss of the ethos of a principle that has been at the heart of the EU, namely mutual recognition.
Section one summarises the normative core of that view and grounds it in the values of autonomy, equal recognition and non-domination.
Section two categorises the issues that arise for the demoicrat when it comes to the consequences of political borders. We demonstrate — through the example of intra-demoicracy border crossing — why demoicrats will seek to follow the three desiderata of procedural fairness, just outcomes, and overall consistency in designing political solutions.
Section three defends a set of principles that would ideally govern large-scale arrival of refugees. Though we do not offer a comprehensive solution to the tensions we identify, the conclusion offers some proposals of how demoicrats may alleviate them.
This article asks what features should characterise the boundaries between the EU and the outside world from the standpoint of demoicracy.
The article seeks to move the scholarship on demoicratic theory a step further by exploring what we call the social construction of demoicratic reality.
Ultimately, such an enquiry should help us understand whether a polity like the EU is actually and potentially a stable or unstable political form.
The Eurozone crisis has brought the imperative of democratic autonomy within the EU to the forefront, a concern at the core of demoicratic theory.
The propositions of the Namur Declaration seek to change the way in which the European Union negotiates international trade agreements and their content.
However, despite recent events the EU maintains its international image as the paragon of European politics and global governance.
The European Union's stalled expansion, the Euro deficit and emerging crises of economic and political sovereignty in Greece, Italy and Spain have significantly altered the image of the EU as a model of progressive civilization.Die Nicolaidis YoungWings Stiftung in München bietet Trauerbegleitung und Beratung für Kinder, Jugendliche und Erwachsene und hilft, in kostenlosen. Die Nicolaidis YoungWings Stiftung wurde gegründet und ist seit eine rechtsfähige Stiftung des bürgerlichen Rechts mit Sitz in München, die deutschlandweit Hilfe für jung verwitwete Personen und deren Kinder anbietet. Gründerin und. Die Nicolaidis YoungWings Stiftung (früher: Nicolaidis Stiftung) wurde gegründet und ist seit eine rechtsfähige Stiftung des bürgerlichen Rechts mit. Nicolaidis YoungWings Stiftung, München. Gefällt Mal · 50 Personen sprechen darüber. Die Nicolaidis YoungWings Stiftung ist die bundesweite.